+ "The image of an essentially rural, traditional England, and the distrust of materialism and economic change that went along with it, had practical effects on business. They kept alive a mental picture of modern, industrial England as a society of 'dark, satanic mills,' neither appealing nor quite legitimate as an expression of the English way of life. Social prestige and moral approbation were to be found by using the wealth acquired in industry to escape it. This myth of England both diverted talent and energies from industry and gave a particular 'gentry' cast to existing industry, discouraging commitment to a wholehearted pursuit of economic growth." Morton Wiener "The 'industrial' in censorship-industrial complex should be understood literally: censorship is now a highly developed industry, complete with career-training institutions in higher education (like Stanford's Internet Observatory or the University of Washington's Center for an Informed Public), full-time job opportunities in industry and government (from the Virality Project and the Election Integrity Partnership to any number of federal agencies engaged in censorship), and insider jargon and euphemisms (like disinformation, misinformation, and 'malinformation' which must be debunked and 'prebunked') to render the distasteful work of censorship more palatable to industry insiders." Aaron Kheriaty "The United States watch-making industry claimed protection for many years on the grounds that its skilled craftsmen would be essential in wartime. Even though we have had a strong Navy for quite some time, our maritime industry has enjoyed protection for 200 years. And, for some reason, the Export Administration Act, which allegedly guards against the exportation of sensitive goods and technology to protect national security, restricts the export of unprocessed red cedar and horses. (But only if the horses travel by sea!)" Alan Blinder "Regulatory bodies, like other organisms, shy away from negative stimuli. That's why the FDA tends to slow-walk the approval process unless some loud advocacy group is on their tail: A drug that could have saved lives but fails to get approval costs them little, while another thalidomide would be personally disastrous for those who approved it. It's why OSHA nitpicks small businesses over trivia—better millions of man-hours lost on elusive safety goals rather than one worker who managed to get dismembered on a job site without an OSHA warning registered against it. For a banking regulator, unless there's a financial crisis, the worst negative stimuli is likely to come from angry bankers, not consumers who are outraged about the decision to let Goldman Sachs hold some Santander Brasil stock for a while. This is one big reason that agencies that start out as fierce hawks intent on putting industry in their place end up as docile partners helping the incumbents shut out new competition. Over time, whatever public outcry gave rise to the agency fades away. But the industry is still focused on the regulators with the intensity of one of those super-lasers they use to create unnatural elements, 365 days a year." Megan McArdle "Hansom cab operators in London furiously denounced the introduction of the umbrella for offering shelter to rain-soaked pedestrians. Margarine was subjected to a decades-long smear campaign from the dairy industry. Musicians' unions delayed the playing of recorded music on the radio. The Horse Association of America for many years fought a rear-guard action against the tractor, and the natural-ice harvesting industry frightened people with scares about the safety of refrigerators." Matt Ridley "From what I know of human nature I believe the world awaits a great outpouring of energy as soon as we shall have removed the dead hand of competitive enterprise that stifles public impulses and finds use only for the less effective and less beneficial influences of man. When industry is government and government is industry the dual conflict deep in our modern institutions will have abated." Rexford Tugwell "Despite the large number of mergers, and the growth in the absolute size of many corporations, the dominant tendency in the American economy at the beginning of this century was toward growing competition. Competition was unacceptable to many key business and financial interests, and the merger movement was to a large extent a reflection of voluntary, unsuccessful business efforts to bring irresistible competitive trends under control. Although profit was always a consideration, rationalization of the market was frequently a necessary prerequisite for maintaining long-term profits. As new competitors sprang up, and as economic power was diffused throughout an expanding nation, it became apparent to many important businessmen that only the national government could rationalize the economy. Although specific conditions varied from industry to industry, internal problems that could be solved only by political means were the common denominator in those industries whose leaders advocated greater federal regulation. Ironically, contrary to the consensus of historians, it was not the existence of monopoly that caused the federal government to intervene in the economy, but the lack of it." Gabriel Kolko "Can anyone imagine that the masterfulness, the overbearing disposition, the greed of gain, and the ruthlessness in methods, which are the faults of the master of industry at his worst, would cease when he was a functionary of the State, which had relieved him of risk and endowed him with authority? Can anyone imagine that politicians would no longer be corruptly fond of money, intriguing, and crafty when they were charged, not only with patronage and government contracts, but also with factories, stores, ships, and railroads? Could we expect anything except that, when the politician and the master of industry were joined in one, we should have the vices of both unchecked by the restraints of either?" William Graham Sumner "Harmful asceticism and self-denial were not only to be found in religious groups, but in those engaged in business. Among both groups one found the mistaken assumption that life was to be subordinated to work or learning. This, Spencer felt, was the error that had ruined the lives of his modern contemporaries. He generalized from his own need for amusement to a social remedy for contemporaries, who, he feared, were living a grim and shortened life under the twin governors of God and industry. In this way he was an early prophet for the twentieth-century desire for leisure and play among adults. While rival secular prophets, such as Marx, Carlyle, Ruskin and Morris, deified industry, duty or physical labour, Spencer attempted to remove these false moral qualities from the list of essential ingredients for human development." Mark Francis "The old superstitions and errors about inflation being caused by greed or by trade union monopoly or by the failure of anchovies off the South American coast have been routed and driven from the intellectual battlefield. Anybody today in a public position in politics or journalism who blames inflation on the price of oil or wheat or on the latest pay settlement in the coal industry or the motor industry knows that he is lying." Enoch Powell "The kingdom of poverty is very strongly fortified. It can be conquered only through making industry serve the whole people. We are all very far as yet from achieving this service, but since Prohibition came to this country we have made more rapid strides toward bringing industry around to the real service of humanity than we made during all the previous history of the world. When this service is perfected, we shall have made prosperity universal and have abolished poverty. The nation cannot go forward on this programme—which is the finest of all programmes—unless it has a full complement of brains and initiative. The nearer we approach national total abstinence, the more brains and initiative we shall have at command." Henry Ford "In industry after industry, the larger units, sometimes through the agency of what is called an institute, sometimes by other means, have for their own advantage written the codes, and then, in effect and for their own advantage, assumed the administration of the code they have framed. Thus privilege has exerted itself to gather more privilege. Little else indeed has been considered in these operations. The interests of the nation and of the consuming public have been utterly ignored in all too many instances. Profit-making power has been multiplied for the one purpose of gathering more profits that will mean still more power for still more profits." Clarence Darrow "During its occupation of Belgium, Germany picked the country clean, dismantling factories, tearing up railway tracks, and transferring livestock to Germany. Industries that might have competed with their German counterparts, such as the spinning industry, were wiped out. The coke, iron, and steel industries were also hit. Of the 60 blast furnaces Belgium had before the war, only nine survived intact. Coke production fell to one-seventh of pre-war levels, steel to less than one-tenth, lead to a fifth, and zinc production to one-twentieth. The situation for the chemical industry, cement production, and glassworks was almost as dire. In addition to machinery and tools, the Germans removed stocks of industrial goods, semi-finished products, and spare parts 'down to the smallest screw.' In total, 85 per cent of Belgium's industrial production was paralysed after the Armistice, and three-quarters of its workforce (900,000 out of 1,200,000 people) were still unemployed six months after the war's end." Jürgen Tampke "Eight to ten million soldiers will fight each other and will ravage Europe like no swarm of locusts we have ever seen. The devastations of the Thirty Years War will be compressed into three or four years and cover the continent; hunger, disease, and the common de-civilization of armies and people, will be brought about by acute misery. The hopeless breakdown of our artificial machinery of trade, industry, and credit will end in bankruptcy and the overthrowing of old states and their traditional state's wisdom, so that crowns will roll by the dozens into the streets, and there will be no one to pick them up. It is an absolute impossibility to predict where it will end and who will be the victor in this fight. Only one result is guaranteed: general exhaustion and the creation of the conditions necessary for the final victory of the working class." Friedrich Engels "Lenin was appalled by the rapid growth of the Soviet bureaucracy, which his own policies had necessitated. For as the Communist Party, through the state, took charge of the entire organized life of the country, nationalizing large and small industries, retail and wholesale trade, transport and services, educational and other institutions, the officialdom that replaced the private owners and their managers expanded by leaps and bounds. Suffice it to say that the organization in charge of the country's industry, the Supreme Council of the National Economy, employed in 1921 nearly one quarter of a million officials, and this at a time when industrial productivity had dropped to below one-fifth of its 1913 level. By 1928, the party and state bureaucracy came to number 4 million." Richard Pipes "The anarchy of individual production is already an anachronism. The control of the community over itself extends every day. We demand order, method, regularity, design; the accidents of sickness and misfortune, of old age and bereavement, must be prevented if possible, and if not, mitigated. Of this principle the public is already convinced: it is merely a question of working out the details. But order and forethought is wanted for industry as well as for human life. Competition is bad, and in most respects private monopoly is worse. No one now seriously defends the system of rival traders with their crowds of commercial travellers: of rival tradesmen with their innumerable deliveries in each street; and yet no one advocates the capitalist alternative, the great trust, often concealed and insidious, which monopolises oil or tobacco or diamonds, and makes huge profits for a fortunate few out of the helplessness of the unorganised consumers." Edward Reynolds Pease "I have no intention of establishing a new Office of War Information to govern the flow of news. I am not suggesting any new forms of censorship or any new types of security classifications. I have no easy answer to the dilemma that I have posed, and would not seek to impose it if I had one. But I am asking the members of the newspaper profession and the industry in this country to re-examine their own responsibilities, to consider the degree and the nature of the present danger, and to heed the duty of self-restraint which that danger imposes upon us all. Every newspaper now asks itself, with respect to every story: 'Is it news?' All I suggest is that you add the question: 'Is it in the interest of the national security?' And I hope that every group in America—unions and businessmen and public officials at every level—will ask the same question of their endeavors, and subject their actions to the same exacting tests." John Kennedy "It is the maxim of every prudent master of a family never to attempt to make at home what it will cost him more to make than to buy. The tailor does not attempt to make his own shoes, but buys them of the shoemaker. The shoemaker does not attempt to make his own clothes, but employs a tailor. The farmer attempts to make neither the one nor the other, but employs those different artificers. All of them find it for their interest to employ their whole industry in a way in which they have some advantage over their neighbours, and to purchase with a part of its produce, or what is the same thing, with the price of a part of it, whatever else they have occasion for." Adam Smith "The United States, you see, is the flag of choice for space activities. It is the flag of choice. And with that comes great opportunity but also great responsibility in terms of what course we will chart for the work that happens here on Earth that will then maximize the opportunities in space. So our nation is entering a new era. And that new era includes considering and thinking about our exploration in space, and how we use space, and are we prepared for the possibilities but also the challenges. To that end, we understand that we have got to update the rules, because they're just simply outdated. They were written for a space industry of the last century. And when I was going through here just today, speaking with some of our innovators and looking at where the technology has grown in just the last decade, we know that we really are quite behind in terms of maximizing our collective understanding about how we will engage on the technology of today and what we can quickly and easily predict will be the technology over the next decades. So, to maintain our position as the United States of America on this issue, it is critical that we work together to understand where we are; to recognize and have the courage to speak truth about what is obsolete; and then to partner to ensure that we are speaking the same language, with the same motivation, inspired by the opportunity of it at all, but then doing the work of updating how we have been talking and thinking about our exploration in space." Kamala Harris "New turnpike roads and canals, intended primarily to serve industry and mining, opened the way to valuable resources, linked production to markets, facilitated the division of labor. Other European countries were trying to do the same, but nowhere were these improvements so widespread and effective as in Britain. For a simple reason: nowhere else were roads and canals typically the work of private enterprise, hence responsive to need (rather than to prestige and military concerns) and profitable to users. This was why Arthur Young, agronomist and traveler, could marvel at some of the broad, well-drawn French roads but deplore the lodging and eating facilities. The French crown had built a few admirable king's highways, as much to facilitate control as to promote trade, and Young found them empty. British investors had built many more, for the best business reasons, and inns to feed and sleep the users." David Landes